February 4, 2000 80 Comments
By Christian Castillo, Universidad de Buenos Aires (UBA) and the Universidad Nacional de La Plata (UNLP)
“Almost replicating the events of 2006, Rubén Hallu, Chancellor of the UBA [University of Buenos Aires], was reelected yesterday by Congress while a strong police force repressed students demonstrating nearby against an assembly they considered ‘anti-democratic’. Inside the annex of the Congress building, the session hardly lasted fifteen minutes when the votes of 144 members of the assembly—radicals, peronistas and allies for the most part—ratified the permanence of Hallu for the period 2010-2014. The confrontation between students and police was intense and lasted almost an hour in which rocks crossed rubber bullets and tear gas.” (Página/12 , 12/15/2009)
Indeed, the recent 2009 reelection of veterinary scientist, Rubén Hallu, as leader of the University with the largest number of students in Latin America (more than 300,000) was carried out again without any discussion at the venue of the National Congress surrounded by fences and policemen confronting students. On this occasion, not even opposing members of the Assembly were granted access.
This is a metaphor for the interests that are defended by the professorial cliques ruling the University, which can only stay in power through an antidemocratic system of ruling. Most decision-making power lies in a small group of professors that are not only a minority in relation to the university as a whole but also with regards to all professors.
In Argentina, a strong majority of college students attend public universities—more than 75% of the total number of registered students. The UBA is the most important among them, but neither the UBA nor the other national universities have remained immune to the “neoliberal decade”. Although their decline predates the ill-fated Law of Higher Education passed at the beginning of the second term of Carlos Menem in 1995, this latter sparked diverse attempts to commercialize university life. However, faculty and student mobilizations stopped the initiatives to impose fees for undergraduate studies and to fully adopt the “Chilean model” praised by World Bank technocrats.
Following budget cuts implemented by different national governments, Deans and Chancellors sought to obtain funds by multiplying contracts with private firms, which can then strongly influence curricula and the general course of several programs. In some faculties such as Economics, Engineering, Agronomy or Exact Sciences, it has become common to see lecture rooms named after their sponsor, often some big monopoly of imperialist origins. A large part of the teaching staff does not have a salary and continues to work under the deceiving concept of “ad honorem”. At a national level, calculations suggest that 10,000 instructors find themselves in this situation. Research is constrained, bureaucratized and modeled by senseless norms, which are questioned by the majority of research faculty, whose salary partially depends on the frequency of their publications—a criterion according to which quantity is falsely transformed into a synonym for quality.
In the last few years, the demands for a greater budget for education and democratization have gained force among students, faculty and other workers. The first demand of this type took place in 2002 in the Sociology department of the faculty of Social Sciences at the UBA, one of the most politicized and mobilized in the country.
Demands rose following the election of the Department Chair unequally chosen by faculty, graduate and undergraduate students. There was a movement to demand that elections follow the criterion of “one person, one vote”. At that time, there was a partial victory when 1200 students and teaching staff elected a Co-Chair (the writer of these lines) according to this principle. Fearing that this process might spread to other faculties in the midst of strong popular mobilization at a national level, the High Council of the University led by the most reactionary elements of the Faculty Senate (claustro de profesores) intervened in the department at the beginning of 2003. However, although they did impose a brief return to the situation before, demands gained popularity as the debate became increasingly public.
From then on, the debate on the reform of statutes has been posed at a University Assembly, the highest ruling organism in the University made up of all the members of all directive councils from each faculty as well as all deans. In 2006, when the new Chancellor was to be elected, there was a dispute that lasted several months and could only come to an end when the Assembly, which was unable to meet at the University due to student mobilizations, moved to the National Congress escorted by the police and held the sessions it was supposed to hold “in public” according to its statute.
As previously mentioned, this scene was a repetition. In the previous four years, promises of reform made by the university oligarchy seeking legitimacy and support among the most “progressive” professors led to nothing; hence the continuity of the demands. However, this time one sector of the student movement—Philosophy, Letters and Social Sciences students for the most part—took a more active role in support of the most important labor struggle of the year. Three thousand workers from Kraft Food confronted 160 layoffs including all union delegates. This strike was of great success in a conflict that lasted over three months. Since the media did not initially recognize the workers’ demands, the latter blocked the Panamerican Highway—the only route connecting the north of the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires or Great Buenos Aires with the capital. Simultaneously, between 7 and 9 in the morning, hundreds of students blocked the streets Callao and Corrientes every day, a very busy route at these hours.
The media was no longer able to obscure the protest and was forced to cover what students and workers had to say. The latter also protested in front of the Argentinean Industrial Union, one of the main business corporations in the country. The strike won solidarity and popularity, especially following the government’s violent repression and removal of workers as requested by the US Embassy. Despite repression, the struggle managed to stop some of the layoffs. It is peculiar to note that the Internal Commission of the factory was made up of leftist delegates who confronted a peronista bureaucratic leadership controlling the Food Industry Workers Union (STIA). The election of the Internal Commission was carried out shortly after the end of the strike, which led to the victory for the most combative sector of the workers: the group “From Below” promoted by the Socialist Workers’ Party (PTS).
During the strike, the university was an important center of support for workers: tens of thousands of pesos were collected as funds for the strike; worker and student councils visited the different buildings during studies. Students often applauded workers. The cry “obreros y estudiantes, unidos adelante” or “workers and students, moving forward together” often heard in civil uprisings such as the Cordobazo of 1969 burst out again.
University authorities seeking agreements with monopoly firms and students supporting workers – together they are the two antagonistic orientations of the university, one at the service of capital and the other allied with the working people.
In 1918, the Movement for University Reform ended with the clerical university that claimed the “sacred right to insurrection” as signaled by the Manifiesto Liminar. It is well known that the influence of this process exceeded the boundaries of the country and that there were people who knew how to radicalize its postulates. One of them was Julio Antonio Mella who, in the Cuba of the 1920s, defended a socialist concept of university reform: “We fight for a university that is more tightly related to the needs of the oppressed; a university that is more useful for science and not plutocratic castes; a university where morality and student character is molded neither by the old principle of ‘magister dixit’ nor by the individualism of the republican universities of Latin America or the USA. We want a new university that will accomplish in the field of culture what the factories of tomorrow will accomplish in the fields of production without parasitic stockholders or exploiting capitalists.” In the midst of the contemporary trend towards the colonization of universities by capital and their transformation into simple producers of university credentials void of content, the words of Mella inspire those of us who fight for a university that serves the needs of workers and their struggles.
Translated by Ana Villarreal
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